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Stress and Parenting
Published in Marc H. Bornstein, Psychological Insights for Understanding COVID-19 and Families, Parents, and Children, 2020
Keith A. Crnic, Shayna S. Coburn
Only a few studies have explored parenting stress over time, expressly attending to the stability and continuity of parenting stress in families. Of those that have explored parenting stress over time, the approach has generally been to explore the stability (relative rank of individuals) of the construct more so than its continuity or change over time. Crnic et al. (2005) found high stability for parenting daily hassles measured consecutively at 6-month intervals across child ages 36 to 60 months. Furthermore, relevant to differences between stressed parenting and parenting stress, stability coefficients were notably lower for reports of extrafamilial stress across the same period, even though those coefficients demonstrated significant stability as well. Addressing both stability continuity across a similar developmental period, Williford, Calkins, and Keane (2007) reported moderate stability for parenting stress across child ages 2 to 5 years, but also found that parenting stress decreased meaningfully (discontinuity) across this same period. These relations, however, were complex as parenting stress across early childhood depended somewhat on child gender and emotion dysregulation.
Candidate Genes, Gene × Environment Interactions, and Epigenetics
Published in Gail S. Anderson, Biological Influences on Criminal Behavior, 2019
Several of the reviewed studies showed that exposure to acute or chronic stress in early childhood resulted in increased release of glucocorticoids, or stress hormones, which caused epigenetic changes to receptor genes. Researchers have suggested that this can lead to severe antisocial behavior (reviewed in DeLisi and Vaughn48). Children with reduced stress responses do not react to danger and do not exhibit suitable emotional responses to risk, which means they do not have the normal stress responses that would lead to fear or anger and may be attracted to dangerous situations. Such underarousal is common in antisocial individuals and is a core tenet of psychopathy.48
Pre-school mental health disorders: a review
Published in International Review of Psychiatry, 2020
More recently, the impact of ACEs and chronic stress on brain development has been explored (Johnson, Riley, Granger, & Riis, 2013). ACEs or trauma during infancy and early childhood can induce both hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis changes and epigenetic changes (Luby et al., 2013; van Bodegom, Homberg, & Henckens, 2017). A 10-year longitudinal imaging study of 145 preschoolers with depression concluded that poverty and stress in early childhood were associated with both smaller amygdala and hippocampal volumes and decreased connectivity of the inferior frontal gyrus in early adolescence (Luby et al., 2013, 2017). The amygdala, hippocampus, and prefrontal cortex are critical to stress management and emotional regulation. Epigenetic effects of chronic stress include telomere shortening and DNA methylation (Drury et al., 2017; Matosin, Cruceanu, & Binder, 2017; Shalev et al., 2013). Trauma and chronic stress exposure before age 3, including poverty, caregiver mental illness, maltreatment, single parent, and low maternal education increase the risk of developmental delay (National Scientific Council on the Developing Child, 2012).
Child maltreatment and cognitive vulnerabilities: Examining the link to posttraumatic stress symptoms
Published in Journal of American College Health, 2021
Hannah C. Espeleta, Danielle L. Taylor, Jacob D. Kraft, DeMond M. Grant
Research investigating the relationship between childhood maltreatment and mental health difficulties often implicates cognitive vulnerabilities, including cognitive control and negative cognitive styles, as potential mechanisms of this relation.17–19 Cognitive deficits following childhood maltreatment are well documented, with data linking early trauma to impairments in executive functioning such as concentration, memory, processing speed, and attention.20–23 These impacts are suggested to have cascading effects on academic achievement and school functioning for adolescents and young adults.24–26 Attempts to explain the cognitive impacts of trauma suggest that chronic stress in early childhood disrupts typical brain development,27,28 resulting in short-term and long-term Hypothalamic-Pituitary-Adrenal (HPA) axis dysfunction.29 This dysfunction following the stress response is associated with deficits in cognitive processing in young adulthood, including difficulties in attention and emotion regulation.30,31 Notably, attention and emotion regulation have both been linked to the development of psychopathology for individuals with maltreatment histories.32,33 Traditionally, deficits in attention and emotion regulation strategies have been investigated as distinct facilitators to psychopathology.34–37 However, given recent research suggesting these factors may indeed co-occur,38–43 the present study aims to better understand both the unique and collective role of these cognitive vulnerabilities in posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTSS) among college students with childhood maltreatment histories.
Construct validity of the perceived stress scale (PSS-10) in a sample of early childhood teacher candidates
Published in Psychiatry and Clinical Psychopharmacology, 2019
The growing concern over the impact of perceived stress on early childhood teacher candidates (i.e. students who are majoring in ECE), coupled with the popularity of the PSS-10 as a generalized stress measure for other populations, motivated the current effort. The current study sought to investigate the construct validity of a Korean translation of the PSS-10. A total of three competing models were specified and tested: a single-factor model, a two-factor model, and a bifactor model. In general, the results of the CFA provide preliminary support to the validity and reliability of the PSS-10 in a Korean university sample.