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The psychology of the experience of music
Published in Mary Butterton, Colwyn Trevarthen, Listening to Music in Psychotherapy, 2018
Mary Butterton, Colwyn Trevarthen
The method used by Sloboda and O’Neill was the experience sampling method (ESM) in which the participants carried electric pagers with them at all times during waking hours. The participants were paged once every two hours between 0800 and 2200 hours. They were asked to stop what they were doing when appropriate and write responses in a booklet regarding the most recent experience of listening to music since they were last paged. This could be on the radio or in a shop, etc. This piece of research is different from most in the field of psychology and music in that those persons who were the human experiencing subjects did not have to listen to music chosen by the researcher. However, they did not have complete control over the particular music listened to either.
Self-relatedness, psychopathology, and the context: The concept of disease
Published in Gerrit Glas, Person-Centered Care in Psychiatry, 2019
The proposal does not imply that genetic and neural abnormalities have no place in the explanation of mental disorder—on the contrary! Their role should be conceptualized differently, however, “instead of searching for ‘genes that cause MD’ [major depression] we are searching for ‘genes that cause certain risky network structures in individuals’” (ibidem). Genetic abnormalities, neural and cognitive dysfunctions, and environmental factors are usually seen as operating on different levels that are intrinsically ordered. According to the network approach, “it is extremely likely that once researchers start taking the dynamics of symptomatology seriously, they will find feedback loops that cross the border of traditional thinking.” Genetic, neural, and environmental factors can themselves be conceived of as nodes in the network or—at one level of abstraction higher—as patterns of relative strength within the relationships between certain nodes. The authors refer to the experience sampling method as one that is amenable for the advanced statistical modeling techniques that are now used in behavioral genetics. Experience sampling refers to a research method that asks patients to systematically register symptoms and other experiences and activities during the day. The iterative nature of the process makes it possible to detect time series of patterns of symptoms, activities, and other experiences and observations. It may appear, for instance, that there are strong reciprocal connections between symptoms of negative affect (e.g., worry) and daily hassles. The strength of these connections can then be viewed as a “risky part of a person’s network structure” and as putting the individual at risk for the development of major depression. Endophenotypes can be conceived of in a similar vein (i.e., as representing patterns of relative strength of connections between certain nodes).
Psychosis, violence and crime
Published in John C. Gunn, Pamela J. Taylor, Forensic Psychiatry, 2014
Pamela J Taylor, Pamela J Taylor, Sue Estroff, Paul Mullen, Pamela J Taylor, Simon Wessely
Beliefs, by definition, require some sort of acceptance that a proposition is true in the absence of evidence for it. Most people have beliefs of some kind, whether religious, political or something else. This in itself is not pathological, but some beliefs have characteristics which are. A pathological belief is referred to as a delusion. Kräupl Taylor (1979) defined a ‘psychotic delusion’ as a belief based on an absolute conviction of the truth of a proposition that is idiosyncratic, incorrigible, ego-involved and often preoccupying. Reference to ‘incorrigibility’ is consistent throughout the literature, from Jaspers (1923) to Oltmanns (1988), and reiterated in the DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). In these terms, delusions are beliefs which are not just held without evidence, but rather in the face of contrary evidence, and are not amenable to change. This conceptualization is helpful in many circumstances, and perhaps particularly so when the beliefs are bizarre. It may, however, provide insufficient guidance for clinicians when beliefs centre on more ordinary social situations. Mullen and Maack (1985), for example, noted that in cases of morbid jealousy it is not uncommon for the partner who was believed to be unfaithful to end up with the postulated lover; people who have paranoid delusions about their neighbours may indeed have neighbours who have become antagonistic to them or even reported them to the police if they have been acting strangely or dangerously in this context, but some truth in the neighbours’ hostility does not necessarily invalidate classification of the paranoid belief as a delusion. In such cases, indicators of the way in which the belief was formulated, or the way in which it is maintained may be more helpful than evidence of its truth or falsity per se. To complicate matters further, it has long been recognized that the apparently consistent view of a delusion as ‘incorrigible’ cannot be defended either. Beck’s (1952) description of change in a delusion suffered by a man with schizophrenia in response to psychotherapy is generally taken as the first clinical step in recognizing this, followed by others adding evidence to support such a position (e.g. Sacks et al., 1974; Rudden et al., 1982) and the development of scales for measuring delusions along one or more dimensions (e.g. Hole et al., 1979; Kendler et al., 1983; Shapiro, 1961; Strauss 1969; Brett-Jones et al., 1987; Taylor et al., 1994; Peters et al., 1999). Delusions may fluctuate in another sense too – they are not necessarily experienced consistently throughout the whole period for which they are generally a problem. Myin-Germeys et al. (2001) developed an ‘experience sampling method’ to find out how much of the time people with delusions were aware of them and/or preoccupied with them. On average, people reported awareness of their delusions for about a third of their time, this period being characterized by more negative affect. Withdrawal from social and other ‘distracting’ activities increased the likelihood of delusional awareness. Bell et al. (2006) provide a useful review of the growing number of standardized rating schedules to facilitate reliable determination of a delusion.
The association of personality traits with poststroke fatigue in daily life: An exploratory experience sampling method and cross-sectional study
Published in Neuropsychological Rehabilitation, 2023
Ela Lazeron-Savu, Bert Lenaert, Rudolf Ponds, Caroline van Heugten
A method less influenced by these potential sources of bias is momentary assessment. Momentary data-collection, known as the experience sampling method (ESM), is a structured diary technique that makes it possible to investigate symptoms such as fatigue in real-time, over time, and across different contexts (Delespaul, 1995; Stone & Shiffman, 1994). ESM enables a more comprehensive and ecologically valid understanding of the frequency, intensity and duration of symptom experience (Sohl & Friedberg, 2008). Momentary data-collection does not rely on episodic memory and is free from memory bias (Heron & Smyth, 2010). The feasibility and usability of ESM in individuals with stroke have been demonstrated in several studies (e.g., Jean et al., 2013; Johnson et al., 2009; Lenaert et al., 2019).
In-the-moment experiences of mothers of children with autism spectrum disorder: a comparison by household status and region of residence
Published in Disability and Rehabilitation, 2022
Tomomi McAuliffe, Reinie Cordier, Yu-Wei Chen, Sharmila Vaz, Yvonne Thomas, Torbjörn Falkmer
Unlike the traditional methods, such as daily diary entry, that take a retrospective approach, an experience sampling method (ESM) survey allows researchers to collect the in-the-moment experience of participants [22,24]. Although this method is underutilized in the field of disability [25], through ESM, researchers can identify patterns of activities and explore participants’ feelings while engaging in activities [26–28]. Use of ESM can potentially minimize recall bias [22,24] and requires less cognitive demand than those traditional methods due to short completion time [27]. ESM has not been widely used with mothers [29,30]; however, it has been employed to examine time-use with a variety of populations [31–33]. Previous research that examined the emotional experiences in managing multiple roles among public health nurses reports good usability of this method [34].
The use of ecological momentary assessment to evaluate real-world aided outcomes with children
Published in International Journal of Audiology, 2021
Danielle Glista, Robin O’Hagan, Maaike Van Eeckhoutte, Yuanhao Lai, Susan Scollie
Hearing aid outcome is traditionally assessed using laboratory-based testing methods and retrospective self-report questionnaires. At best, lab environments provide an estimate, or simulation, of how a listener will perform in a complex real-world environment. Questionnaire data can be confounded by memory bias, when completed based on recall, and may not accurately describe individually-experienced listening situations. Advancements in mobile device technologies, equipped with user-friendly applications, now make it possible to collect information outside of the laboratory and in environments representative of listeners’ everyday life. Hearing aid outcomes assessed using real-time, real-world data collection methods are, therefore, advantageous, as outcomes can be determined/modified by a wide variety of environmental or contextual factors (Kaplan and Stone 2013). The experience sampling method (ESM) is a technique used to capture data from real-world experiences (Larson and Csikszentmihalyi 2014; Stone and Shiffman 2002). Included in ESM is ecological momentary assessment (EMA), which involves repeated sampling of participants’ current behaviours and experiences in real-time and in natural environments (Schinkel-Bielefeld et al. 2020; Shiffman, Stone, and Hufford 2008).