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Human Development, Children, and Deceptive Behavior
Published in Harold V. Hall, Joseph G. Poirier, Detecting Malingering and Deception, 2020
Harold V. Hall, Joseph G. Poirier
Memory jogging with 7- to 8-year-olds and 10- to 11-year-olds resulted in significantly improved recall of correct facts (Hayes & Delamothe, 1997). Saywitz et al. (1992) utilized staged tasking and incorporated measures to ensure motivated subject participation (i.e., rewards). The study also involved forensically relevant tasks. An interview based on cognitive psychology principles served as a guided memory search to provide “explicit retrieval strategies, specific retrieval cues, and strategies for organizing information” (p. 746). In a review of studies through the early 1990s, Ceci and Bruck (1993) concluded that the extreme positions of children being summarily not competent as witnesses or being as competent as adults were untenable. This research shows that children can encode and retrieve large amounts of information, especially when it is personally experienced and highly meaningful to them. Equally true, however, is that no good will be served by ignoring that part of research that demonstrates potentially serious social and cognitive hazards to young child witnesses if adults who have access to them attempt to contaminate their memories.
Lens Models of Human Judgment for Rater-Mediated Assessments
Published in George Engelhard, Stefanie A. Wind, Invariant Measurement with Raters and Rating Scales, 2017
George Engelhard, Stefanie A. Wind
This chapter utilizes cognitive psychology in general to conceptualize judgmental processes. Specifically, the lens model provides a framework for guiding our thinking related to rater-mediated assessments. Another important development in research on human judgment, choice, and decision-making is the emergence of research on expert judgments. In our work on raters, the focus is on trained raters, and the research on expert judgments has implications for informing research, theory, and practice on rater-mediated assessments.
Modern Cognitive Approaches to the Diagnostic Process
Published in Pat Croskerry, Karen S. Cosby, Mark L. Graber, Hardeep Singh, Diagnosis, 2017
These developments in cognitive psychology clearly have application in medicine [2]. The case has been made more explicit with the description of a schematic model (Figure 3.1) that incorporates the major operating characteristics of DPT in diagnostic reasoning [14–16].
A comparison of simultaneously-obtained measures of listening effort: pupil dilation, verbal response time and self-rating
Published in International Journal of Audiology, 2022
Chiara Visentin, Chiara Valzolgher, Matteo Pellegatti, Paola Potente, Francesco Pavani, Nicola Prodi
Koelewijn et al. (2014) explored the effect of cognitive manipulations on pupil dilation (focussed vs divided attention: listening to only one or two speakers at the same time) using a sentence recognition task in fluctuating noise and three SNRs (+3, −3, −9 dB). Their results indicated a worse performance, with increased mean and peak pupil size which was interpreted as increased listening effort when attention was divided than when it was focussed. This is consistent with the general conclusions in the cognitive psychology literature, that typically associate better processing resources (as revealed by a higher accuracy and a lower RT) when participants can focus their selective attention on a given target (or location) compared with when they have to divide it among multiple targets (or locations) (e.g. Driver 2001). The effect of the SNR was only apparent for mean pupil dilation. In a subsequent study, Koelewijn et al. (2015) investigated how attentional processes could use available cues (prior knowledge of target speaker location, target speech onset, or target speaker identity) to facilitate target-masker segregation processes. Their results showed that uncertainty regarding location had a negative effect on performance and resulted in a larger peak pupil dilation (interpreted by the Authors as an increase in cognitive load), thus confirming previous findings regarding the essential role of selective attention (Koelewijn et al. 2014). It has also been demonstrated that knowing ‘where’ to listen makes it easier to segregate the target in adverse listening situations (Best 2007).
Going Back to Normal
Published in Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 2021
However, free will is not supported by most biological and behavioral sciences (McLeod, 2019). As our scientific understanding increases, so the case for determinism versus free will strengthens. We observe cause-and-effect in most branches of science—in cellular behavior in biology, chemical reactions in chemistry and similarly in physics. Behavioral psychologists observe stimuli and how they affect our behavior and biological psychology explains our behavior by our genetics and biochemical makeup. (Sister Callista Roy’s nursing model fits into this explanation of environmental stimuli and adaptation). Cognitive psychology understands our behavior to be a result of various neurological processes, including thoughts, accepting the nuances of our individual differences rather than the influence of personality and free will on our behavior. In looking for a compromise between these two positions, some propose that we have a moral responsibility for the choices we make even if the impetus for our choices is predetermined. Others have proposed that a freedom to choose is always there, but the “wrong” choice will result in dysfunction, illness, and inability of the organism to maintain itself.
Comparing higher and lower weekly treatment intensity for chronic aphasia: A systematic review and meta-analysis
Published in Neuropsychological Rehabilitation, 2021
John E. Pierce, Robyn O’Halloran, Maya Menahemi-Falkov, Leanne Togher, Miranda L. Rose
The presence or absence of an activation threshold for aphasia treatment is a crucial piece of knowledge for clinicians. Therapy provided below this proposed minimum threshold would provide suboptimal results, or at worst, be completely ineffective (Baker, 2012a). Current low rates of treatment intensity (<3 hours/week) in clinical practice may sit below such a threshold. The risk of ineffective treatment is one reason treatment intensity is regarded as such a fundamental and pressing question for speech pathology (Baker, 2012a) and some have argued that if true, lower intensity would be unethical (Togher, 2012). However, neuroplasticity theory is largely based on research from motor actions and animal models to date (Kleim & Jones, 2008), and it remains unclear whether neuroplasticity or cognitive psychology models are more suitable for language recovery.