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Social Psychology
Published in Mohamed Ahmed Abd El-Hay, Understanding Psychology for Medicine and Nursing, 2019
Young adolescents who play a lot of violent video games see the world as more hostile, and are more likely to get into more arguments and fights, and get worse grades compared with nongaming kids (Gentile, 2009; Gentile et al., 2009). In addition to teaching new antisocial actions, media such as TV and video games may lower sensitivity to violent acts and disinhibit dangerous impulses that viewers already have, e.g., many TV programs give the message that violence is correct and acceptable behavior that can lead to success and popularity. This message can lower inhibitions against acting out hostile feelings (C.A. Anderson et al., 2003). Evidence consistently disconfirms the catharsis idea that expressing an emotion can keep it from “building up.” Aggressing or witnessing aggression does not make people feel calmer, but may even make them more angry. People with extensive experience in violent video gaming display desensitization to violence, as shown by blunted brain responses, they also are less likely to help an injured victim (Bartholow, Bushman, & Sestir, 2006; Bushman & Anderson, 2009). In summary, social learning theorists assume that aggression is aggravated by watching it through short-term and long-term processes:Short-term effects include priming of already existing cognitions or scripts for behavior, immediate imitation of observed behaviors, changes in emotional arousal, and the misattribution of that arousal (excitation transfer).Long-term effects include modeling of behavioral scripts, world schemas, and normative beliefs, activation and desensitization of emotional processes, and educational processes.
Sexual Modesty in Sexual Expression and Experience: A Scoping Review, 2000 - 2021
Published in The Journal of Sex Research, 2022
J. Dennis Fortenberry, Devon J. Hensel
Social and cultural regulation of body display through clothing is widely identified as a core element of sexual modesty (Cavender, 2012). Sexual modesty provides a template for sexual body display by defining a sexualized topography of bodies that distinguish nude from not nude and body areas that may be viewed by others (Cover, 2003). Sexual modesty is created and institutionally enforced – for example, in school dress codes (Lapolla, 2017) or in appropriate dress for athletics or public exercise (Hwang & Kim, 2020) – at fine lines of distinction (often only a few centimeters) between body areas that may be publicly viewed and those that are prohibited. Physical body display defines boundaries between public and private, objectified and subjective body experience, and the uses of the body as sexual display (Barton & Hardesty, 2010). Nudity is closely regulated within families as well as in public settings, with broad associations in terms of intra-familial relationships (Gabb, 2013), attitudes toward nudity (Negy & Winton, 2008), children’s sexual behaviors (Friedrich et al., 2000), and as part of healthy sexual development through distinction of public and private behaviors (McKee et al., 2010). Although sexual modesty scripts are typically gendered and heterosocial, scripts also exist for homosocial shared spaces – for example, in locker rooms – where specific hygienic and behavioral scripts “desexualize” spaces, even when diverse sexual possibilities exist (Herrick & Duncan, 2020; Magrath et al., 2015).
Event-specific and individual factors impacting college students’ decisions to intervene in a potentially risky scenario
Published in Journal of American College Health, 2022
Chrystina Y. Hoffman, Leah E. Daigle
Research suggests that behavioral scripts are associated with physical spaces. That is, different patterns of behavior can be elicited in predictable ways by different locations.31 Unfortunately, little is known about whether the location of the incident impacts helping behaviors. Howard and Crano32 found that undergraduate college students were significantly more likely to intervene during a potential book theft if the incident occurred in the student lounge than if the incident occurred in the library or dining area. More recently, Brewster and Tucker33 examined the significance of location on undergraduate college students’ likelihood of intervention during a verbal argument and physical struggle between a male and female. Results indicated that subjects expressed more willingness to intervene when the situation occurred on-campus versus off-campus.33
Shame and the Developmental Antecedents of Enduring, Self-Critical Mental States: A Discussion and Some Speculations
Published in Psychiatry, 2020
Leon Wurmser spelled out the six factors he found repeating in his patients with a harsh superego: (1) a phobic core with affective storms and taboo objects, (2) mythical protective system and mythical belief, (3) radical and irreconcilable value conflicts and split identity, (4) impulsive actions of a nearly ritualistic kind, (5) denial (blinding) and reversal (especially from passive to active), and (6) multilayered core conflicts (Wurmser, 2000, pp. 176–177). Wurmser was really describing the multiple self-state organization of self-critical states in dissociative disorders. The affective storms described were neither understood by the patient nor the clinician, at first, since they appeared as if they were independent of and outside the conscious control of the patient. Mythical protective systems and beliefs are also typical of DID, as is split identity. Ritualistic impulsive actions speak to the limits of the behavioral scripts that are part of self-state phenomena detached from the main mental real estate of the patient. Blinding denial is a normal feature of dissociative disorders, and so are multilayered core conflicts since multiple self-states are normal. While this is an extreme, it is the outliers of experience that often teach us the most.