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Conclusion
Published in Anna Thiemann, Rewriting the American Soul, 2017
Similar to Kass et al., the authors in my study focus on contemporary and future developments in memory and trauma research and favor critical self-scrutiny and historical awareness over a false sense of innocence and blissful oblivion. At the same time, their literary texts tend to be much more open and creative in exploring the broader historical and political contexts and multifaceted implications of these developments. In contrast to Beyond Therapy, the novels I have analyzed do not pretend to make a universal argument about trauma, memory, and human happiness. Set in a particular cultural context, they discuss specific national and collective memory politics and the scientific theories and technologies that define the accessibility and moral function of traumatic memories. The texts in my study expose the ahistorical and apolitical dimensions of the current trauma paradigm and its epistemological and ethical implications for contemporary readings and representations of September 11, 2001. Dismissing the neurocognitive notion that trauma constitutes a disruptive and unspeakable accident, they turn to the psychoanalytic paradigm instead, which rejects uncomplicated forgetting and insists on the integration of trauma into individual and collective histories.
Can Good Come from Bad?
Published in John R. Cutcliffe, José Carlos Santos, Paul S. Links, Juveria Zaheer, Henry G. Harder, Frank Campbell, Rod McCormick, Kari Harder, Yvonne Bergmans, Rahel Eynan, Routledge International Handbook of Clinical Suicide Research, 2013
Bereavement from suicide has been associated with psychiatric disorders such as Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and Prolonged Grief Disorder (PG) (Latham & Prigerson, 2004; Mitchell et al., 2004). Investigations of emotional memory for trauma reconceptualize the sequelae of traumatic events, like suicide bereavement, as memory for an event that becomes central to the bereaved's identity and personal narrative (Berntsen & Rubin, 2006). It is the appraisal of the memory that causes pathological symptom profiles, such as PTSD (Berntsen & Rubin, 2006), and grief reactions associated with continued preoccupation with the decedent (Safer, Bonanno, & Field, 2001). Newer investigations of “cognitive scarring” that may be associated with identity-level “trait hopelessness” in suicide survivors are also possible outcomes of suicide bereavement (Rudd et al., 2009), but have yet to be investigated.
ENTRIES A–Z
Published in Philip Winn, Dictionary of Biological Psychology, 2003
(from Latin, concussus, derived from con: together, quatere: to shake) Concussion is a term indicating disturbance or shaking. It has various meanings depending on the context in which it is used, but in neurological terms it refers to a disturbance in brain function, typically following a vigorous blow to the head, which may or may not be associated with a period of unconsciousness. It is associated with two conditions: (1) POSTTRAUMATIC AMNESIA, a loss of memory following trauma, the degree of impairment providing a rough-and-ready index of the degree of brain injury, and (2) POSTCONCUSSION SYNDROME. This is a condition typically associated with the later effects of CLOSED HEAD INJURY and can involve a variety of disturbances. Early signs include such generalized effects as headache, nausea, somnolence and disturbances in the visual system (such as blurred vision). Later signs include continued headache, anxiety, depression, insomnia, fatigue, memory impairments and disorders in vision and auditory perception. These can persist for several weeks or, in some cases, over a year. There is a belief that while the early symptoms might be related to disturbances in physical processes the later disturbances might be more psychological in origin (as is the case with post-traumatic stress disorder). Repeated concussions can produce more lasting impairments, based on cumulative physical damage to the brain—the so-called PUNCH DRUNK SYNDROME.
Pharmacotherapeutic considerations for the treatment of posttraumatic stress disorder during and after pregnancy
Published in Expert Opinion on Pharmacotherapy, 2021
Michael Thomson, Verinder Sharma
In the past propranolol has received a large amount of interest in the treatment of PTSD given its antagonistic effects on the noradrenergic system. Despite this, studies of its use in PTSD have been limited and suggest that it may provide more benefit in the prevention of PTSD development following a traumatic experience rather than treatment of the established disorder [73]. A recent randomized controlled trial showed benefit in administering propranolol 90 minutes prior to a brief memory reactivation trauma therapy session. Propranolol has been used for multiple decades to treat maternal medical conditions including hypertension in pregnant women. However, given the overall lack of evidence supporting the use of propranolol in treating established PTSD, we would recommend that its use be reserved for exceptional cases where the benefits clearly outweigh the potential risks.
Emotionality during and after the Commissions of an Offence: A Look at Offence-Related Shame and Intrusive Memories in Justice-Involved Adult Males
Published in International Journal of Forensic Mental Health, 2021
Annik M. Mossière, Tammy Marche
While the larger memory and trauma literature (see Berntsen, 2010; Brewin et al., 1996; Ehlers, 2010; Ehlers & Clark, 2000; Foa & Kozak, 1986; Horowitz, 1976; Meichenbaum, 1996; Rauch & Foa, 2006) has contributed to our understanding of intrusive memories, this literature has largely focused on memories and symptoms secondary to witnessed or experienced trauma or violence (e.g., in victim populations). In the past few decades, researchers have started asking how much of justice-involved persons’ PTSD symptomology is linked to memories of crimes they perpetrated. It has been found that, indeed, justice-involved persons experience PTSD symptoms related to perpetrating offence(s) (see Chung et al., 2016; Musker, 2013; Papanastassiou et al., 2004; Pollock, 1999; Spitzer et al., 2001; Welfare & Hollin, 2015).
Considerations for Pursuing Multiple Session Forensic Interviews in Child Sexual Abuse Investigations
Published in Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 2020
Jacquelynn F. Duron, Fiona S. Remko
Training Blocks I-III require 8 days of training completed in succession. Block I is a three-day training on the Practical Application of the Semi-Structured Narrative Process. It includes information on the six stages of the interview, question types, event narrative process, child development, and other information to provide new forensic interviewers with the skills to begin interviewing. Each participant conducts mock interviews with actors portraying a preschool aged child and an adolescent. Trainees receive immediate, oral feedback from trainers and peers regarding their skills. Block II is a three-day training, Beyond the Sexual Abuse Interview, focused on developing an understanding of how children tell, the difficulties of disclosing, and conducting non-sexual abuse interviews. To attend this level of training, interviewers have completed a minimum of 10 forensic interviews. Each trainee participates in a peer review where trainers and peers provide immediate, oral feedback on interview techniques. Block III is a two-day training, Essential Issues of Forensic Interviewing and Preparing for Court. This component focuses on understanding memory, suggestibility, trauma, and court preparation. Trainees participate in a mock testimony with a former prosecutor.