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Published in Silvia Bonino, Coping with Chronic Illness, 2020
In the closest affective relationships, the risk of emotional contagion should not be underestimated, due to the closeness and identification that binds family and friends to the ill person in their daily life and throughout the years of their illness. They therefore also impose the need to learn to understand and share in a differentiated way; for this purpose, moments of psychological and even physical detachment from a patient can help. “Burn out syndrome” is a risk not only for healthcare professionals (for whom this phenomenon depends above all on organizational deficiencies), but also for family members. This name indicates the situation of those who “become extinguished,” having burned their resources, no longer being able to help a patient, even causing harm to themselves.
How do Online Social Networks Influence People’s Emotional Lives?
Published in Ciarán Mc Mahon, Psychological Insights for Understanding COVID-19 and Media and Technology, 2020
Ethan Kross, Susannah Chandhok
An early challenge to these findings came in 2014 when a group of researchers published a controversial experiment in which they manipulated the percentage of positive and negative emotional words contained in 689,003 Facebook users’ news feeds for one week (Kramer, Guillory, & Hancock, 2014).1 The researchers leading the study were interested in examining emotional contagion on social media—i.e., the idea that emotions could spread across social networks just like diseases are transmitted between people who come into physical contact with each other. They predicted that consuming different amounts of positive (or negative) information on social media should lead people to experience more positive or negative emotions in their own lives. They furthermore suggested that they could index people’s emotional states by counting the number of emotion words contained in their Facebook posts.
Surviving and Thriving in Medicine
Published in Clare Gerada, Zaid Al-Najjar, Beneath the White Coat, 2020
Supervision is not about performance monitoring or being pulled up on things not being quite right. When explaining what clinical supervision is, I often use the following visualisation. Imagine you and your patient are both wearing Velcro suits, yours is over your white coat. Most things that these suits come into contact with will stick. The patient arrives laden down with pain, distress or anger. This is too much for them to bear, so they understandably try and throw some at you, their clinician (this is largely done unconsciously). Our desire to help and heal means that if we are not careful, our metaphorical white coats become covered with these negative feelings and experiences thrown at us. They can weigh us down, and actually make us feel the same as our patients. Psychologists sometimes call this emotional contagion. This emotion is not yours, but the patient’s and supervision can help untangle what belongs where. Once aware that the ‘mood’ does not belong to you, the doctor, it can be removed, examined, and disposed of, without I hasten to add, needing to throw it back to the person who gave it to you in the first place.
Gay Dating Apps in China: Do They Alleviate or Exacerbate Loneliness? The Serial Mediation Effect of Perceived and Internalized Sexuality Stigma
Published in Journal of Homosexuality, 2023
This study indicates that internalized stigma, rather than perceived stigma, was a direct mediator of the relationship between gay dating apps and loneliness. The concept of internalized stigma has been linked to loneliness in numerous studies (Pérez-Garín, Molero, & Bos, 2015). In this context, men who do not have such personal experiences or feelings of sexual stigma may “learn” from social media conversations about other people’s experiences (Settanni & Marengo, 2015). Gay and bisexual men, in general, have been considered to be more sensitive and to suffer more from mood disorders than straight men (Aggarwal & Gerrets, 2014). Stigma consciousness can be echoed and transmitted through interactions on gay dating apps. The existence of emotional contagion on social media has also been demonstrated in previous studies, especially the contagion of negative emotions, such as hatred and anger (Del Vicario et al., 2016). A negative emotion like stigma can thus be spread and internalized more rapidly than it can as a positive emotion (Fan, Xu, & Zhao, 2016). The negative aspect of feelings can result in withdrawal from social support and higher feelings of loneliness (Gray, 2002). Nevertheless, according to our findings, perceived stigma did not significantly mediate the relationship between gay dating apps usage and loneliness. In the absence of internalization, external sources shall not directly influence the loneliness of gay men. That is, the stigma surrounding gay dating apps would not cause gay men to feel lonely, unless they internalized it. Research has identified a variety of coping strategies used by gay and bisexual men to cope with perceived stigma such as reinterpretations of stigmatizing situations, critical evaluations of other people’s ideas, and fostering of self-reliant attitudes (McDavitt et al., 2008).
Physiological and behavioral responses to observing a sibling experience a direct stressor in prairie voles
Published in Stress, 2020
Joshua Wardwell, W. Tang Watanasriyakul, Marigny C. Normann, Oreoluwa I. Akinbo, Neal McNeal, Sarah Ciosek, Miranda Cox, Nicole Holzapfel, Samantha Sujet, Angela J. Grippo
Previous hypotheses may explain the mechanisms underlying vicarious stress in humans, including psychological processes such as empathy or emotional contagion. Empathy may support basic processes that are beneficial to the survival of humans, such as social facilitation of alarm, mother-infant responsiveness, feeding, mating, and emotional reactivity (Levenson, 2003; Preston & De Waal, 2002). Empathetic processes facilitate rapid information flow throughout a social group, via individuals recognizing and matching their emotional states to other group members. Activating representations of another individual’s emotional state may automatically generate the appropriate autonomic and somatic responses, unless inhibited within the observer (Preston & De Waal, 2002). A sub-category of empathy that may be related to vicarious stress is emotional contagion – automatically converging emotionally with another individual’s experience, such as through facial expressions, vocalizations, or movements (Hatfield et al., 1992). Emotional contagion may serve the purpose of alerting, calming, and promoting empathy within social groups (Levenson, 2003). Processes that may mediate emotional contagion have been described using non-human animal models (Atsak et al., 2011; Sivaselvachandran et al., 2018), further supporting the hypothesis that animal models are useful tools for investigating the social transmission of behavioral and physiological processes. The exploratory correlational analyses in the present study may lend support to hypotheses of emotional contagion. In the concurrent condition, both the physical activity level and HR of the observer were positively correlated with the respective sibling’s level of active movements in the TST. By contrast, this pattern was not observed in animals in the separate condition (as expected, given that an animal in this condition had no visual, auditory, or olfactory cues from its respective sibling in the TST).
The Effects of Emotional Expressions in Negotiation: A Meta-Analysis and Future Directions for Research
Published in Human Performance, 2020
Sudeep Sharma, Hillary Anger Elfenbein, Ruchi Sinha, William P. Bottom
When a focal negotiator faces a counterpart, who is expressing negative emotions such as anger, the negotiator may infer that the other is frustrated, which could lead the focal negotiator to react in more competitive ways as they “catch” the frustration and anger from the other. Such symmetrical effects of emotional expression are in line with another set of arguments supported by EASI theory. Namely, EASI argues that when a negotiator expresses an emotion, there is likely to be a cascading effect on the negotiation counterpart’s emotional state through emotional contagion (Van Kleef, 2014). Thus, the behavioral responses by the counterpart could reflect the symmetrical affective states that they “catch”. Research on emotional contagion suggests that individuals feel more negative emotions when they are exposed to a person who expresses negative emotions (Hatfield, Cacioppo, & Rapson, 1994; Van Kleef, 2009). Because of such contagion, participants who receive anger from their counterpart can become angrier themselves as well, whereas those who receive happy messages may become happier. Consistent with this theorizing, research conducted on face to face negotiations – as opposed to computer simulations – has found detrimental consequences for negative emotional expressions. Kopelman et al. (2006) found that counterparts were less likely to make concessions or to accept the offers of negotiators who displayed negative rather than positive emotions. They also found that the counterparts of angry negotiators formed less positive impressions of them (see also Van Kleef et al., 2004a). Friedman et al. (2004) showed that parties in online dispute resolution negotiations responded competitively to their counterpart’s expressions of anger, thereby increasing the likelihood of an impasse. Note that not all affective reactions create convergence, as some can be complementary (Elfenbein, 2014). For instance, expressions of sadness may elicit complementary feelings of empathy and compassion in negotiation counterparts, which in turn may lead them to adopt a more cooperative approach with the expressers (Sinaceur, Kopelman, Vasiljevic, & Haag, 2015).