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Inventory Resources and Risks for Recovery
Published in Sandra Rasmussen, Developing Competencies for Recovery, 2023
Recovery homes vary in level of structure and program elements. Most recovery residencies are small with six to eight residents of the same gender. Length of stay varies, often several months or more, if individuals follow the rules. A sober house, like the Oxford Houses, is a peer-run. Some halfway houses are monitored by a House Manager or Senior Resident. Other recovery residencies employ certified staff, case managers, and facility managers. Here residents receive recovery support, life skills training, and clinical services, usually in the community. Addiction treatment providers and ROSC may operate a recovery residency as a step-down service, a step-out transition into the community. Residents receive clinical services on-site or in conjunction with the facility operating the residence.
Catathymia and Catathymic Crisis
Published in Louis B. Schlesinger, Sexual Murder, 2021
After studying medicine at Zurich, Strassburg, and Vienna, Hans Maier joined the staff of the well-known Burghölzli Hospital in 1905. Burghölzli, founded in Switzerland in the mid-19th century, was the first mental hospital to accept psychoanalysis as a modality of treatment. Therapeutic work programs, as well as the concept of the halfway house, were introduced there. Nearby, the first residential treatment center in the field of child psychiatry was established in 1920. In fact, the entire child guidance movement, in an indirect way, was influenced by the hospital and the intellectual climate it created (Mora, 1975) (see Figure 4.1).
The Range of Treatment and Rehabilitation Programs; Factors in the Selection of an Appropriate Program
Published in Frank Lynn Iber, Alcohol and Drug Abuse as Encountered in Office Practice, 2020
There is little active treatment, periods of residence are long, and the cost is modest. The pressures of many programs to reach a specific degree of attainment in a specific time are absent. Some successful rehabilitation is accomplished, particularly for the person who does not wish to be pushed too fast. The halfway houses function as therapeutic communities and provide the key elements of (1) an understanding, supportive, and nourishing asylum that removes pressures to use drugs; (2) time away from family, job, and other social responsibilities; (3) building of self-esteem; (4) training in social coping skills; and (5) gradual reentry into the regular streams of employment and society, including family.
‘Maybe this is the place for me:’ a qualitative study examining needs and length of stay in recovery house residents
Published in Journal of Social Work Practice in the Addictions, 2022
Dina Chavira, Leonard A. Jason
The traditional treatment models of substance use disorders that focus on detoxification and 28-day residential treatment are insufficient for long-term recovery given what is known regarding the relapse-remit course of substance use disorders. Transitional houses (i.e., halfway houses) can provide a step-down from residential treatment that prolongs contact with professional staff and ongoing supportive services to help people maintain treatment gains as they transition back into the community. Despite the positive outcomes associated with transitional housing (see Milby et al., 2005; Schinka et al., 1998), availability is limited, residents may be discharged before they are ready, and the rigid structure can limit opportunities to build independence (Polcin & Henderson, 2008; Polcin et al., 2010).
Differences in Psychosocial Distress by Gender and Length of Residency in Criminal Justice System Involved Men and Women in a Sober Living Environment
Published in Alcoholism Treatment Quarterly, 2018
Samantha M. Coleman, Stephen J. Leierer, Mark Jones, Megan Davidson
In response to this need, clean and sober living environments like halfway houses represent an affordable alternative for people in early recovery from co-occurring MHD and SUDs (Polcin, Korcha, Bond, & Galloway, 2010). Sober living environments are a type of informal intervention in that residents serve as a network of support for people in early recovery from SUDs. The halfway house milieu increases social support, which has been found to be an effective protective factor for relapse prevention and one of the best predictors of sustained abstinence from drugs and alcohol (Jason, Ferrari, Davis, & Olson, 2006; Moos & Moos, 2006). Milby, Schumacher, Wallace, Freedman, and Vuchinich (2005) determined that sober living after traditional treatment was more effective than treatment alone. Polcin et al. (2010) reported that clients who lived in a halfway house had a 46% abstinence rate 18 months following SUD treatment. In addition to increased relapse prevention, residents of halfway houses achieve higher levels of self-efficacy, are better able to maintain employment, experience decreased MHD symptoms, and have fewer arrests after six months of abstinence (Bahr, Masters, & Taylor, 2012; Inciardi, Martin, & Butzin, 2004; Polcin et al., 2010).
Exploring social ecological pathways from resilience to quality of life among women living with HIV in Canada
Published in AIDS Care, 2018
Carmen H. Logie, Ying Wang, Mina Kazemi, Roula Hawa, Angela Kaida, Tracey Conway, Kath Webster, Alexandra de Pokomandy, Mona Loutfy
Potential mediators include economic insecurity and HIV disclosure concerns. Economic insecurity was measured based on an indicator that included housing insecurity and food insecurity. Housing insecurity included living in: a self-contained room, transition house, halfway house, safe house, couch surfing, outdoors on street, parks, or in a car. Stable housing was coded as including participants who lived in an apartment (own/rent) or a house (own/rent). Food insecurity was derived from three statements focused on experiences in the past 12 months: fears of running out of food; experiences with running out of food; and inability to eat balanced meals (score range: 0–6; scores of 0–1 were coded as secure and 2–6 were coded as insecure). Participants who reported never experiencing any housing insecurity or food insecurity were coded as 1 (no economic insecurity); those who reported only food insecurity but no housing insecurity were coded as 2; those who reported only housing insecurity but no food insecurity were coded as 3; and those who reported having experienced both food insecurity and housing insecurity were coded as 4. This coding of economic insecurity as a continuous variable reflects a multi-dimensional approach to poverty that examines multiple poverty indicators (food insecurity, housing insecurity) to understand the intensity of poverty (Alkire, Conconi, & Seth, 2014). HIV disclosure concerns were measured based on a subscale of the HIV/AIDS quality of life (HAT-QOL) scale, which contains 6 questions regarding disclosure practices among PLWH (score range: 0–24, Cronbach