China
Africa
Explore chapters and articles related to this topic
Climate and Energy
Published in Robert Ehrlich, Harold A. Geller, John R. Cressman, Renewable Energy, 2023
Robert Ehrlich, Harold A. Geller, John R. Cressman
Recall that the NPT is a treaty between some states that possess nuclear weapons and some that do not, whereby nonnuclear states agree not to seek the bomb and the nuclear states agree to assist the nonnuclear ones with the peaceful use of nuclear technology. It also requires the nuclear states to work toward general nuclear disarmament over time. One might imagine similar stipulations in a climate treaty, whereby the big industrial nations agree (a) to support the developing nations with technological assistance, (b) to move away from fossil fuels, (c) to adapt to climate change as it occurs, and (d) to reduce their own emissions over time.
Climate and Energy
Published in Robert Ehrlich, Harold A. Geller, Renewable Energy, 2017
Robert Ehrlich, Harold A. Geller
Recall that the NPT is a treaty between some states that possess nuclear weapons and some that do not, whereby nonnuclear states agree not to seek the bomb and the nuclear states agree to assist the nonnuclear ones with the peaceful use of nuclear technology. It also requires the nuclear states to work toward general nuclear disarmament over time. One might imagine similar stipulations in a climate treaty, whereby the big industrial nations agree (1) to support the developing nations with technological assistance, (2) to move away from fossil fuels, (3) to adapt to climate change as it occurs, and (4) to reduce their own emissions over time.
(Nation) building civic epistemologies around nuclear energy in India
Published in Journal of Responsible Innovation, 2020
If the already-complicated and frayed socio-political fabric is asked to accommodate an esoteric and shielded technology like nuclear power (Abraham 1998; Winner 1980) the political and cultural dynamics that ensue shed light on how civic and political spaces are being constituted (Nelkin and Pollak 1980). Nuclear power in India, as in many other nations, has been protected from public scrutiny since its inception on the heels of Independence under the aegis of the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) formed in 1948. The minimal allowance of parliamentary scrutiny has been largely performative and has not translated to effective oversight (Ramana 2012). The amoebic civic space that expands and contracts around different publics and issues in India has been non-existent for nuclear energy. Even India’s 1998 nuclear weapons testing nucleated a small civic sphere of urban, elite activists around opposing nuclear power, such as the Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace (CNDP), which began creating transnational linkages to other anti-nuclear activists, such as in Pakistan, and became signatories to the South Asia Against Nukes and proponents of creating a South Asia nuclear weapons free zone (Vanaik 2013, personal interview). Yet most criticisms of the most prized and heavily invested symbol of hyper-modernity and energy and economic security (Abraham 1998; Anderson 2010) in the nuclear state largely fell on deaf ears, albeit leading to some efforts to perform public legitimacy by making a few pieces of information online (Kaur 2009). As political scientist and affiliate of CNDP, Achin Vanaik, wryly noted, ‘We are more like a mild irritant to the state’ (Vanaik 2013, personal interview).