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Accounting for the money-made parenthood of transnational surrogacy
Published in Zeynep B. Gürtin, Charlotte Faircloth, Conceiving Contemporary Parenthood, 2020
The transnational version of surrogacy has added dimensions to this, as the desire of parenthood is pursued across borders (Deomampo 2015; Kroløkke, 2012; Kroløkke and Madsen 2014) and often on top of structural domination, global inequality and profound social distance (Arvidsson, Johnsdotter, and Essen 2015; Førde 2017; Rudrappa 2015; Vora 2015); bringing topicality to Shellee Colen's (1990) concept of ‘stratified reproduction’ (see e.g. Pande 2014).
Deafening Heteronormativity
Published in Christa Craven, Reproductive Losses, 2019
Social science research on stratified reproduction—where some groups are empowered and encouraged to reproduce and others are discouraged or prohibited from doing so—has demonstrated substantial inequities in what resources are offered to women during and after pregnancy.33 These imbalances often occur along the axes of race, ethnicity, class, and nationality. Although homophobia and heterosexism appeared in many participant’s stories (such as arguments that it is not “natural” for LGBTQ people to become parents), the insidious effects of the interconnections among homophobias, heterosexism, racialized assumptions, and other forms of bias was also clear.
Reproduction
Published in Lisa Jean Moore, Monica J. Casper, The Body, 2014
Lisa Jean Moore, Monica J. Casper
As sociologists, we find the term “stratified reproduction” immensely helpful for thinking about a range of reproductive issues and also about reproductive bodies. Which bodies are allowed to reproduce? Which bodies—human and nonhuman (e.g., livestock, zoos)—are forced to reproduce? Which bodies are prevented from reproducing? Which bodies bear the physical marks of coercive medical and governmental intervention? Which bodies matter in policy formation?
Balancing client preferences and population-level goals: a qualitative study of the ways in which public health providers and facility administrators interpret and incentivise quality of care in contraceptive counselling in Ethiopia, Mexico and India
Published in Sexual and Reproductive Health Matters, 2023
Lauren Suchman, Janelli Vallin, Ximena Quintero Veloz, Lakhwani Kanchan, Ewenat Gebrehanna, Bella Uttekar, Reiley Reed, Lorena Santos, Kelsey Holt
However, while such recommendations may be useful and relevant, it is important to note that local and national policies that perpetuate an instrumentalist approach to counselling in turn are informed by and must be contextualised within global politics, including those that reinforce the stratified reproduction of the wealthy and privileged while discouraging reproduction among those in less privileged positions.50,19 Thus, any effort to address the negative impact of an instrumentalist view of quality on fulfilment of human rights in contraceptive care must engage not only at national and local levels, but also at the level of international governing bodies, donors and initiatives. Indeed, it is worth noting that Mexico and India are middle-income countries with variable foreign aid and concomitant influence on reproductive health guidelines.51–53 Conversely, Ethiopia, with its stricter target-based approach to contraceptive counselling, is a low-income country that relies more heavily on foreign donors.54
Understanding the role of race in abortion stigma in the United States: a systematic scoping review
Published in Sexual and Reproductive Health Matters, 2022
Katherine Brown, Ruth Laverde, Jill Barr-Walker, Jody Steinauer
Bommeraju et al. conducted a cross-sectional survey to assess the role of race and abortion history in abortion and miscarriage among 306 new parents in Boston, MA, and Cincinnati, OH.34 They also assessed differences in abortion and miscarriage stigma by race. The study sample included English and Spanish speakers and was racially diverse with 50.7% Black, 38.6% White, 10.8% Latinx. White women perceived abortion to be more stigmatising than Black and Latinx participants. Among participants who had previously had an abortion, Black women perceived miscarriage stigma to be higher than White women. Comparing the stigma of abortion to the stigma of a miscarriage, White women perceived higher stigma from abortion, where Black and Latinx women perceived higher stigma from miscarriage. The authors described these findings by understanding the role of stratified reproduction. They discussed that White women’s pregnancies are given higher values in US society. When facing abortion, a White woman may face higher levels of stigma as they are defying traditional roles of motherhood and expectations of patriarchy. Women of colour’s pregnancies, on the other hand, are assigned a lower societal value. When facing a miscarriage, Black and Latinx women may perceive more stigma as they may be seen as having fault in the miscarriage. Higher miscarriage stigma was only found in Black and Latinx women who had previously undergone abortion.34
Moral frameworks of commercial surrogacy within the US, India and Russia
Published in Sexual and Reproductive Health Matters, 2021
Marcin Smietana, Sharmila Rudrappa, Christina Weis
Commercial gestational surrogacy entails contractual arrangements between women and intended parents, often strangers to each other, where the former serve as surrogate mothers* to carry babies to term. They receive money for their considerable efforts and the latter receive a baby in return. Emerging from a plethora of arrangements, wherein intended parents’ sperm or ova are used, or such gametes are purchased from sex cell banks to which they had been provided by egg or sperm donors, the infants are usually not genetically descended from the surrogate mothers who gestate them. Today commercial surrogacy is a multi-million dollar industry in various countries across the world, raising bioethical concerns regarding designer babies and exploitation of women, and counter-arguments on how these sorts of markets extend the reproductive rights of all actors involved. Importantly though, surrogacy emerges through a new kind of labour, which has been theorised as clinical labour,1,2 alongside other new kinds of work such as that carried out by gamete donors, organ donors, or subjects of medical trials. Such labour involves being a subject of in-vivo extractive processes, where surrogate mothers’ biological processes of oogenesis and gestation are managed for the clients’ benefit. Carrying out the clinical labour1 of surrogacy may impact directly on the sexual and reproductive health of the surrogate mothers and egg donors involved, as much as it can also shape the definitions of intended parents’ reproductive wellbeing. However, relationships between reproductive workers and intended parents often develop in unequal contexts of stratified reproduction,3 where reproductive labourers incorporate themselves into surrogacy markets both under the pressures of the local (re-)productive economies 4–8 and through their own ethical reasoning that they negotiate in locally situated and socially acceptable ways.9–13