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Applying Psychological Theories to Promote Healthy Lifestyles
Published in James M. Rippe, Lifestyle Medicine, 2019
Maryam Gholami, Cassandra Herman, Matthew Cole Ainsworth, Dori Pekmezi, Sarah Linke
The second construct, perceived norms, is a reflection of the social pressure to either engage in or not engage in a certain behavior. Fishbein32 describes normative influence as being composed of both subjective and descriptive norms. Subjective norms (formerly social norms in TRA/TBA) are one’s beliefs about what others think about them engaging in the behavior and their motivation to comply with others’ expectations, whereas descriptive norms are one’s perceptions of what others in their social network are doing.
Understanding Social Identity in Education
Published in Kenneth I. Mavor, Michael J. Platow, Boris Bizumic, Self and Social Identity in Educational Contexts, 2017
Lillian Smyth, Kenneth I. Mavor, Michael J. Platow, Diana M. Grace
Taking this new role for norms into consideration, there are clear implications for course design. Perceived norms play a crucial role in our proposed model. These norms moderate the way in which discipline-related social identification impacts on student behaviour and cognition. Therefore, norms and social identification can be considered a useful tool to achieve educator aims through the shaping and bolstering of the social identity-related normative-influence processes described above. Yet there are further ways in which normative influence can be explored. In our research, when addressing the norms students perceived to be appropriate for their discipline, we asked only what they thought their fellow students would consider desirable. In a model of education such as ours that considers tertiary education as, at least in part, an induction into a community of practice (Barrie, 2006; O’Donnell and Tobbell, 2007), this is not a complete picture of the normative processes to which the student is subjected.
Household water treatment and safe storage *
Published in Jamie Bartram, Rachel Baum, Peter A. Coclanis, David M. Gute, David Kay, Stéphanie McFadyen, Katherine Pond, William Robertson, Michael J. Rouse, Routledge Handbook of Water and Health, 2015
Maria Elena Figueroa, D. Lawrence Kincaid
Fortunately for HWTS interventions, at least a minority in most developing countries does treat its water on a regular basis. These trendsetters, if given the chance, could help lead a movement to make water treatment a social norm.10 This can happen through bounded normative influence – the tendency of social norms to influence behavior within relatively bounded local subgroups of a social system where the new practice is already the norm, if not consensus, rather than in the system as a whole (Kincaid, 2004, 2009). New members are recruited and over time the new practice grows until it becomes the norm for the system. An example of this type of bounded group strategy was applied in Zimbabwe (Waterkeyn and Cairncross, 2005). The process can accelerate when these subgroups are influential in the community’s social network and HWTS interventions can identify trendsetters and help create and support such subgroups.
Using Social Learning Theories to Better Understand the Variation of the Moral Acceptability of Performance Enhancement Drug Use
Published in AJOB Neuroscience, 2020
An important finding is that CE was considered more morally acceptable with an increased usage among peers. This represents a partial replication of prior research (e.g., Sattler, Forlini, et al. 2013). Dinh et al. mainly interpreted this effect as peer pressure. From social learning theories, we know that others’ engagement in a behavior can also lead to imitation and reinforcement of this behavior (Akers and Sellers 2013; Cialdini, Kallgren, and Reno 1991; Deutsch and Gerard 1955; Sutherland 1947). Their engagement can serve as a signal for the public acceptance of said behavior and thereby be a normative influence. The actions of others provide information about the cost-benefit ratio of the respective behavior and thus serves as an informational influence. In the case of CE this information could be, for example, whether the positive effects of the drug may exceed the negative effects (such as short- and long-term health consequences). It can be assumed that the worse the cost-benefit ratio of CE-drugs is, the lower the moral acceptability. But surely peer engagement in CE-drug use—as an instrumental behavior to outperform others—can also evoke social comparisons and the fear of falling behind. Thus, peer pressure can result. Whether peer pressure leads to a greater acceptance of the behavior that causes this pressure is debatable (the opposite could be assumed as well). Other explanations, such as informational and normative, should have received more attention when interpreting the positive relationship between higher peer engagement and higher moral acceptability.
Assessing Private and Public Need for Uniqueness: Validation of French Versions of the Need for Uniqueness (NfU) and Self-Attributed Need for Uniqueness (SANU) Scales
Published in Journal of Personality Assessment, 2019
Fanny Lalot, Marcello Cantarella, Oulmann Zerhouni, Emilie Joly, Alain Quiamzade, Juan Manuel Falomir-Pichastor, Olivier Desrichard, Laurent Bègue
In sum, these two scales present several conceptual differences: The NfU focuses on public expressions of the need for uniqueness and the SANU on private self-representations of this need; the NfU adopts an indirect and contextualized approach, whereas the SANU takes a direct and general one. They also have structural differences, as the NfU is composed of several subdimensions, whereas the SANU is unidimensional. Finally, they are supposed to be sensitive to different aspects of the need for uniqueness. Congruent with this view, Lynn and Harris (1997b), in the sole study directly comparing the two scales, found separate predictive patterns. On the one hand, public determinants of consumption under the form of normative influence (i.e., a lower susceptibility to others' consumption behavior and approval) were linked to the NfU score but not to the SANU (but see Imhoff & Erb, 2009). On the other hand, more private determinants of uniqueness of consumption (i.e., a higher desire for scarce and customized products) were linked to the SANU but not the NfU. Because of these differences, it seemed important to validate both scales, so that French-speaking researchers have access to reliable tools to measure uniqueness and can select and use the one most appropriate to their own purposes, depending on their research field.
Investigating the role of communication between descriptive norms and exercise intentions and behaviors: findings among fitness tracker users
Published in Journal of American College Health, 2021
The primary objectives of the present study is to examine (1) the relationship between communication of exercise information and exercise behaviors and intentions, and (2) the moderating role of communication of exercise information in the association between descriptive norms and exercise behaviors and intentions. It is possible that info-giving and info-receiving may have distinctive characters in the link between normative influence and behaviors/intentions. Individuals who frequently provide exercise information are likely to make a decision to continue exercising to reduce dissonance. Accordingly, the following hypothesis was posed: