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Children's understanding of disabilities
Published in Beverley Clough, Jonathan Herring, Disability, Care and Family Law, 2021
A relatively new extension of the extended contact approach is known as the imagined contact approach, “the mental simulation of a social interaction with a member or members of an outgroup category” (Crisp & Turner, 2009, p. 234), and has been shown to improve intergroup attitudes. Crisp and Turner (2009) note several key benefits of the imagined-contact technique: it can be deployed where direct or extended contact is logistically impossible, for instance, in cases of physical segregation. Neither does imagined contact need a child to live somewhere where they have contact with those towards whom they might hold negative attitudes or where these people are known to anyone in their social circle. Rather, it can be brought into low-diversity settings where intergroup bias is less likely to be challenged (e.g., Rutland, Cameron, Milne, & McGeorge, 2005).
Epistemic democracy
Published in David Coady, James Chase, The Routledge Handbook of Applied Epistemology, 2018
Voters do not just appear to be ignorant and misinformed, but also irrational. The overwhelming consensus in political psychology, based on a huge and diverse range of studies, is that most citizens process political information in deeply biased, partisan-motivated ways, rather than in dispassionate, rational ways. Political psychologists Milton Lodge and Charles Taber summarize the body of extant work: “The evidence is reliable [and] strong … in showing that people find it very difficult to escape the pull of their prior attitudes and beliefs, which guide the processing of new information in predictable and sometimes insidious ways” (2013: 169). Here Lodge and Taber mean both (a) that voters suffer in particular from confirmation/disconfirmation bias, that is, that they ignore and evade evidence contrary to their previous views, while overrating evidence that validates their existing views, and (b) that random emotions greatly influence how voters process information. (For instance, if you happen to be sad or happy right before you encounter a new piece of evidence, that changes whether and how you take it in.) Political psychologists Leonie Huddy, David Sears, and Jack Levy say, “Political decision-making is often beset with biases that privilege habitual thought and consistency over careful consideration of new information” (2013: 11). Voters suffer from a wide range of biases, including confirmation bias, disconfirmation bias, motivated reasoning, intergroup bias, availability bias, and prior attitude effects.
Stereotyping and The Development of Clinicians’ Professional Identities
Published in Kenneth I. Mavor, Michael J. Platow, Boris Bizumic, Self and Social Identity in Educational Contexts, 2017
Bryan Burford, Harriet E. S. Rosenthal-Stott
The creation of a team (or other collection of individuals) consisting of members of distinct outgroups (e.g., operating room teams) can result in the adoption of a common superordinate identity; for example, ‘operating room team member’ or, more generally, ‘healthcare professional’. A common ingroup identity can facilitate leadership and reduce conflict (Brewer, 2000; Gaertner et al., 2000; Haslam and Platow, 2001). However, a common ingroup identity may also have the ironic effect of increasing intergroup bias. If different subordinate groups hold different stereotypes of the superordinate group – for example, Democrats and Republicans having different stereotypes of ‘American’ – then the effectiveness of the common identity is reduced when the superordinate identity is salient compared to when it is not (Rutchick and Eccleston, 2010). In the clinical context, this may mean that if doctors and nurses do not share a common view of ‘healthcare professional’ or physicians and surgeons do not share a common view of ‘doctors’, then the common ingroup identity will not have the desired effect of reducing intergroup conflict.
Subverting Heteronormativity: An Intervention to Foster Positive Attitudes Toward Homosexuality Among Indian College Students
Published in Journal of Homosexuality, 2019
Kanika K. Ahuja, Megha Dhillon, Anisha Juneja, Siksha Deepak, Garima Srivastava
Several kinds of cognitive and emotional processes have been hypothesized as operating during contact. In a meta-analytic study, Pettigrew and Tropp (2008) found that contact can reduce prejudice by enhancing knowledge about the outgroup, reducing anxiety about intergroup contact, and increasing empathy. Gaertner, Dovidio, Anastasio, and Rust (1993) proposed that contact facilitates more harmonious relations in part because it can contribute to the development of a common ingroup identity. This involves a recategorization of outgroup members. Thus intergroup bias can be decreased if people can be induced to shift their representations away from two separate groups (“us”: heterosexuals and “them”: gay and lesbian) to a more inclusive common identity (“we”: e.g., young/students). From Brewer and Miller’s (1984) point of view, contact can reduce bias because it contributes to the processes of de-categorization and personalization. In de-categorization, ingroup and outgroup identities become less salient, and there is an awareness of the individual’s distinctiveness (for example, being brave, outspoken). Of these distinct qualities people may also identify some that are self-relevant (e.g., feels hurt like me). The latter is called personalization. These processes are most likely to occur when contact takes place under appropriate conditions, as we hope was the case in the present study. De-categorization and personalization are likely to undermine the validity of outgroup stereotypes and reduce intergroup bias as also reduce out group homogeneity (Brewer & Miller, 1984; Miller, Brewer, & Edwards, 1985).
Does Contact Matter?: The Relative Importance of Contact in Predicting Anti-Gay Prejudice in Jamaica
Published in Journal of Homosexuality, 2020
Lastly, this research was able to consider measures of intergroup bias that were truly applicable in the Jamaican context. While some have criticized contact research for an excessive focus on the positive emotions of majority group members (Devine, Evett, & Vasques-Suson, 1996), this current research was able to include variables beyond intergroup attitudes, such as participants’ willingness to behave in an aggressive or violent manner toward gay men and lesbians. This is particularly important considering the high numbers of gay men and lesbians who are violently attacked in Jamaica each year. Follow-up research could use behavioral measures, which would further increase our understanding of ways to improve the treatment of gay men and lesbians in Jamaica.
Communication training is inadequate: the role of deception, non-verbal communication, and cultural proficiency
Published in Medical Education Online, 2020
Aaron D. Baugh, Allison A. Vanderbilt, Reginald F. Baugh
Alternative tactics are imaginable. Interactions that are experiential yield greater gains than lectures or other passive learning formats [60]. Students acquire cultural fluency more slowly in small doses (e.g., medical encounters) than those who spend significant time immersed the different culture [10]. Contact between members of different groups in general, increases understanding and sensitivity while reducing intergroup bias [61,62] leading people to view each other as more similar reducing outgroup bias [63]. The greater and the more extensive the prior exposure to and interaction with another culture, the less unconscious bias [64], even if limited to a short engagement with exemplars of diverse social groups.