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Values, Empathy, and the Brain
Published in L. Syd M Johnson, Karen S. Rommelfanger, The Routledge Handbook of Neuroethics, 2017
Nina L. Powell, Stuart W.G. Derbyshire
Infants as young as 18 months engage in helping behavior when others around them have difficulty opening a door or picking something up (Svetlova et al., 2010), but their helping behavior is based on the outcome rather than a principled desire to help; the means to achieving the outcome is incidental. Children aged six to eight years, for example, make no moral distinction between deliberate and incidental harm, whereas older children and adults recognize that deliberate harm is worse (Powell et al., 2012). In other words, young children who have a poorly developed moral and cognitive framework understand morality as a simplistic evaluation of good and bad outcomes, with little ability to factor in the means by which an outcome occurred or any other nuance in a given situation. Outcomes are likely the most salient feature for a cognitively immature infant or child for two reasons: (1) this is the most simplistic and binary equation for a young child to calculate and does not depend on cognitive ability or sophistication and does not draw on other later-developing cognitive abilities such as belief, theory of mind, or executive function, and (2) this is the first learning that takes place for children when learning about morality as a simplistic rule-based operation (e.g., if Johnny breaks a glass, Mom gets angry; therefore, breaking a glass leads to a bad outcome for Johnny).
Respect, trust, and the management of sickle cell disease pain in hospital: comparative analysis of concern-raising behaviors, preliminary model, and agenda for international collaborative research to inform practice
Published in Simon M. Dyson, Karl Atkin, Genetics and Global Public Health, 2014
James Elander, Mary Catherine Beach, Carlton Haywood
Some parts of our model lend themselves to applications of attribution theory, which focuses on people’s beliefs about the causes of their own and others’ behavior. In one model of helping behavior, attributions about responsibility influence feelings of sympathy or anger, which in turn influence intentions to help a person in need (Weiner 1980). Attribution theory has been used in research on contextual influences on provider judgments about patients with chronic pain (such as low back pain), but not to our knowledge in research on respect, trust, and hospital management of SCD pain.
Cultural Dissonance and AIDS in the Puerto Rican Community
Published in Julio Morales, Marcia Bok, Multicultural Human Services for AIDS Treatment and Prevention: Policy, Perspectives, and Planning, 2014
Further theory in this area is also needed. The theoretical work of McDonell et al. (1991) which attempts to develop a predictive paradigm for “willingness to help” suggests that die concept of cultural dissonance could also be applied to measure helping behavior. Thus, adding such factors as anger, fear and denial, for example, along with nurturance and compassion, would provide additional information to predict “willingness to help.” This kind of information would be useful to assess and compare “willingness to help” across multicultural lines, with different illnesses, and with different socioeconomic groups.
Public stigmatisation of people with intellectual disabilities: a mixed-method population survey into stereotypes and their relationship with familiarity and discrimination
Published in Disability and Rehabilitation, 2021
Hannah A. Pelleboer-Gunnink, Jaap van Weeghel, Petri J. C. M. Embregts
Helping behaviour, another frequently used indicator for discrimination, refers to people’s tendency to provide or to avoid helping people with certain conditions [31]. Participants were asked to what degree they would agree with a set of statements (1 = totally disagree to 5 = totally agree). The statements were: (1) “If I were an employer, I would interview someone with an intellectual disabilities for a job”, (2) “I would share a car pool with someone with an intellectual disabilities each day”, (3) “If I were a landlord, I probably would rent an apartment to someone with an intellectual disabilities”, and (4) “I am certain I would help someone with an intellectual disabilities.” Items were replicated from a previous study in the field of psychiatry (2003) [31]. The internal reliability of the scale is satisfactory (Cronbach’s α = 0.79).
Help Not Wanted! Examining Factors that Influence Help Acceptance
Published in Human Performance, 2020
Andrea L. Hetrick, Marie S. Mitchell
Our study also has implications for managers. Because helping can promote several positive team and organizational outcomes (Bolino & Grant, 2016; Ehrhart, 2018), helping behavior is likely encouraged among employees. Our results showed that offers of help are not always wanted or viewed as beneficial. Employees evaluate help offers based on their need and, more importantly, offeror attributes. These attributes signal whether the help offered would be beneficial or problematic. Valued attributes prompt help acceptance because employees experience willingness to accept obligation and do not have social loafing concerns or distrust. A key take-away for managers, then, is that they should promote helping behavior among employees whose help would be perceived as beneficial and not detrimental. Beneficial offers of help are accepted by employees and initiate functional exchange expectations for future reciprocation that then likely will yield positive outcomes for the workgroup and organization more generally.
Bystander Behaviors following an Accusation of Rape: The Effect of Relational Distance and Participant Sex on Victim-Centered Intervention
Published in Journal of School Violence, 2020
Cortney A. Franklin, Patrick Q. Brady, Lindsay M. Ashworth
Existing research has demonstrated the value of bystander intervention programs (Banyard et al., 2007; Coker et al., 2011; Katz & Moore, 2013; Storer, Casey, & Herrenkohl, 2015), though, much remains unknown in terms of identifying factors that enhance bystanders’ helping behaviors after an assault has occurred. To date, this literature has largely focused on contextual factors that predict bystanders’ helping behavior before or during a high-risk situation (Franklin et al., 2017; Katz & Moore, 2013). Less is known about individual and situational factors that influence helping behavior when a bystander is confronted with an assault that has already occurred. According to self-categorization theory (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987), post-assault bystander behaviors may be related to similarities in intra- and interpersonal characteristics between the bystander, the perpetrator, and the victim. Bystanders’ willingness to provide victim-centered responses following an assault may depend on how well they know the victim and/or perpetrator, as well as shared intrapersonal characteristics of the parties involved (e.g., sex, race, sexual orientation).