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The Always-Not-Yet/Always-Already of Voice Perception
Published in Mark Evans, Konstantinos Thomaidis, Libby Worth, Time and Performer Training, 2019
Whether following Wyke’s tripartite template of monitored voicing (pre-, intra-, post-phonatory gestures), Davies and Jahn’s binal schematization (before/proprioception and after/proprioception and audition) or Bryon’s primary investment in one aspect of temporality (past/preparation) towards relinquishing the emergence of presence, the intersection of voicing and self-listening in the dual cultivation of the trainee as present voicer and monitoring listener posits the present as a fundamental problem for presence. Even if voicers are trained to ‘be in the moment’ or to ‘achieve presence,’ they can only rely on post-voicing auditory feedback or pre-voicing kinaesthetic awareness; voice perception is always-not-yet there or always-already there. Both trainers and trainees, then, have to grapple with an understanding of embodied time that simultaneously sublimates fully resonant presence and renders it intangible. How does one then train to work against (or with) the elusiveness of vocal presence? Which skillsets are required? How are they cultivated?
Application of childhood apraxia of speech clinical markers to French-speaking children: A preliminary study
Published in International Journal of Speech-Language Pathology, 2020
G. Meloni, V. Schott-Brua, A. Vilain, H. Lœvenbruck, Eulalies Consortium, A. A. N. MacLeod
Second, as we noted above, research on children with SSD has mainly focussed on English-speaking children, with a few exceptions (e.g. Québécois French-speaking children with PD: Rvachew & Brosseau-Lapré, 2015). As a result, it is quite challenging to identify which markers from English are relevant in other languages since differences across phonological systems may limit the applicability of the markers. For example, French differs from English in its inventory of consonants and vowels, its common syllable structures, its phonotactic rules, and its prosody (see Appendix A for summary; MacLeod et al., 2011; Rose & Wauquier-Gravelines, 2007). Differences at the word level and phonetic level may also limit the applicability. For example, the frequency of different word lengths differs in French and English, with four-syllable words frequent in the French adult lexicon. Contrary to English, the early lexicon produced and understood by French-speaking children, as identified on the French-language adaptation of the MacArthur Bates Communicative Development Index (Kern, Langue, Zesiger, & Bovet, 2010), has more multisyllabic words than monosyllabic words. It can be expected that frequency of multisyllabic words in the ambient language may influence how multisyllabic sequences are mastered by children. Disproportionate difficulty with multisyllabic word production is one of the markers of CAS in English that may, therefore, be ill-adapted to French, since multisyllabic words are more frequent in the input of French children. There are also phonetic differences in the timing of voicing onset related to stop production. Whereas voiceless stops in syllable onsets are usually aspirated in English, this aspiration is uncommon in most dialects of French (except for some varieties of Canadian French, MacLeod, 2016). Voiced stops in standard French are produced with a long pre-voicing, whereas they are produced with short-lag voicing, or as voiceless unaspirated in English (MacLeod, 2016). In English, replacing voiceless consonants by their voiced cognates, which reduces the delay between closure release and onset of voicing, is a trait of CAS in English (e.g. Iuzzini-Seigel, Hogan, & Green, 2017). Given that pre-voicing is demanding in terms of timing and coordination between the glottis and articulators, it can be expected that insufficient pre-voicing, rather than replacing voiceless with voiced consonants, may be a more common error in French-speaking children. Indeed, voicing is a very rare error pattern in French (between 0% and 2% of occurrence for children from 24 months to 7 years old, Brosseau-Lapré et al., 2018). Moreover, there are dialectal variations and utterance length variations that can impact schwa production, while schwa inclusion is currently considered as one of the CAS markers in English. Speakers of France French tend to elide schwas and create more consonant clusters (except speakers from southern France). The speech input of French-acquiring children therefore contains many clusters, and cluster simplification is typically produced by deletion of one segment, rather than by schwa insertion (Brosseau-Lapré et al., 2018).