China
Africa
Explore chapters and articles related to this topic
Impacts of Sexual Violence on Women’s Sexual Health
Published in Jane M. Ussher, Joan C. Chrisler, Janette Perz, Routledge International Handbook of Women’s Sexual and Reproductive Health, 2019
Sexual violence is a widespread health issue that has broad impacts on women’s lives. On a daily basis, many women live with the threat of sexual violence and fears for their safety that can limit their mobility and access to spaces. As sexual violence more often takes place in domestic spaces with known offenders, many women’s most intimate and domestic lives are marked by the threat of sexual violence. A significant proportion of women have experienced childhood or adult sexual abuse or assault. For example, a meta-analysis of child sexual abuse prevalence rates showed that 18% of girls had experienced sexual abuse (Stoltenborgh et al., 2011). The World Health Organization (2013) found that 7.2% of women over the age of 15 had experienced non-partner sexual violence. In the United States, 21.3% of women had experienced rape or attempted rape as an adult or a child, and 43.6% had been subject to contact sexual violence (Smith et al., 2018). Although estimates of sexual violence vary, high prevalence rates point to sexual violence as a major public health problem globally.
Sexual Assault and People with Disabilities
Published in Romel W. Mackelprang, Deborah Valentine, Sexuality and Disabilities: A Guide for Human Service Practitioners, 2013
Arlene Bowers Andrews, Lois J. Veronen
Definitions of sexual assault vary widely. Here, sexual assault is defined as any unwanted sexual activity or sexual activity that is obtained without consent. The latter includes situations in which people with mental disabilities that limit their capacity to give consent are enticed into sexual activity. Sexual assault includes rape, exhibitionism, and pornographic situations, such as when a person is required to view or listen to objectionable material or be photographed as a subject. Sexual assault may be verbal in the form of phone calls, letters, or direct communication. Rape and attempted rape are situations in which sexual contact has been obtained by force or threat of force.
In Pursuit of Pleasure: A Biopsychosocial Perspective on Sexual Pleasure and Gender
Published in International Journal of Sexual Health, 2021
Ellen T. M. Laan, Verena Klein, Marlene A. Werner, Rik H. W. van Lunsen, Erick Janssen
Although all individuals are vulnerable to experiences of sexual victimization, sexual assault, abuse, and harassment are overall still gendered crimes, such that women and girls are more likely to be victims than men and boys (Littleton et al., 2018). For men, the lifetime prevalence of sexual assault, including non-consensual penetration, unwanted sexual contact, being forced to penetrate someone else, as based on representative studies, has been estimated to be 17% for the US and, on average, 16% in 10 European countries. In several studies around the world, the lifetime prevalence of completed or attempted rape among men is estimated to vary between 1% and 5% (Littleton et al., 2018). Members of marginalized groups face substantially increased vulnerability to sexual victimization. These include individuals with disabilities, sexual and gender minorities, homeless individuals, individuals engaging in various kinds of sex work, and members of indigenous populations (Littleton et al., 2018).
University and Community Resources for Sexual Assault Survivors: Familiarity With and Use of Services Among College Students
Published in Journal of School Violence, 2019
Cortney A. Franklin, Tasha A. Menaker, Hae Rim Jin
Evidence has consistently demonstrated sexual assault as among the most underreported forms of victimization to police (Catalano, 2006; Rennison, 1999; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006), particularly among college students (Fisher, Daigle, Cullen, & Turner, 2003). Self-report surveys revealed that between 15% and 35% of college women have experienced rape or attempted rape, yet only 2%–22% of survivors report their experience to police and 1 in 10 survivors disclose to friends or family members (Fisher et al., 2003; Gidycz, Hanson, & Layman, 1995; Sloan, Fisher, & Cullen, 1997; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006; Walsh et al., 2010). There are several reasons women are reluctant to disclose sexual victimization to police agencies. First, survivors may not define their experience as sexual assault (Layman, Gidycz, & Lynn, 1996), particularly when the perpetrator is an acquaintance or intimate partner (Zinzow & Thompson, 2011). Moreover, women have reported feelings of embarrassment and self-blame related to sexual assault (Fisher et al., 2000; Zinzow & Thompson, 2011), concern about being blamed by friends, family, and police (Patterson, Greeson, & Campbell, 2009), and fear associated with the criminal justice process, including apprehension surrounding forensic medical exams and the possibility of testifying in court (Campbell & Raja, 1999; Konradi, 1996).
Impacts of Victim Resistance and Type of Assault on Legal Decision-Making in Child Sexual Assault
Published in Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 2023
Kyle P. Rawn, Mary M. Levi, Andrea M. Pals, Holly Huber, Jonathan M. Golding
Child sexual assault is a broad term encompasses many different forms of abuse. Child sexual assault can be categorized by a specific act that a perpetrator commits, including rape (i.e., forced vaginal, anal, or oral penetration), touching a child’s genitals or having the child touch a perpetrator’s genitals, exhibitionism, or voyeurism (see, Finkelhor et al., 2008; Prevent Child Abuse North Carolina, 2022). However, not all child sexual assaults are completed. Finkelhor et al. (2008) estimated that of all instances of child sexual assault, approximately 44% were completed rapes, 19% were attempted rapes, 17% were other types of completed sexual assault, and 9% were other forms of attempted sexual assault. The remaining 11% were attributed to other sexual offenses (e.g., exhibitionism, voyeurism). The distinctions between what behaviors constitute child sexual assault and how attempted, but not completed, sexual assaults are viewed are reflected in the laws of specific jurisdictions. The Commonwealth of Kentucky defines rape of a child under 12 years old as engaging in sexual intercourse with another person who is incapable of consent because they are less than 12 years old (Kentucky Revised Statue 510.040, 1975). This would be considered rape in the first degree and a Class A felony; however, attempted rape under the same conditions would be considered a Class B felony instead, which carries a shorter sentence length. Therefore, legal perceptions of rape and completed or attempted rape are strictly defined per jurisdiction, however, juror perceptions of the context and the individuals involved in such cases are more ambiguous.