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Homeopathy: principles, practice and controversies
Published in Geraldine Lee-Treweek, Tom Heller, Hilary MacQueen, Julie Stone, Sue Spurr, Complementary and Alternative Medicine: Structures and Safeguards, 2020
Phil Nicholls, Geraldine Lee-Treweek, Tom Heller
These struggles continued until about the 1880s, by which time they began to lose their force. By then orthodox practitioners had begun to adopt a much less aggressive therapeutic outlook, and so looked more like homeopaths, while homeopaths who were anxious to keep pace with developments in anaesthetics, hygiene and bacteriology began to look more like orthodox practitioners. In short, the reasons for continued hostility had all but disappeared and, towards the end of the 19th century, the ban on BMA membership was lifted, providing any remaining adherents did not publicly proclaim themselves as ‘homeopaths’. Co-option had eventually proved to be a better tactic of professional regulation than ostracism. Although medical homeopathy survived as a postgraduate speciality in British medicine, its adherents were too few in number or weak in political voice to present a serious threat. For most of the 20th century, their colleagues in orthodox health care generally regarded medically qualified homeopaths as on the eccentric fringe, still liked by the Royal Family but, for all practical purposes, could be ignored.
Voluntary Sector and Urban Health Systems
Published in Igor Vojnovic, Amber L. Pearson, Gershim Asiki, Geoffrey DeVerteuil, Adriana Allen, Handbook of Global Urban Health, 2019
The intersection of austerity and preventative voluntarism has also been examined, where work has focused on the complex relationship that unfolds between local voluntary organisations, volunteers, and their local communities (e.g. for Ireland, see Walsh et al. 2015). Over time, to reflect the growing emphasis toward partnership working and governance between the state, market, and voluntary sector, the meaning of voluntarism has shifted towards incorporating more entrepreneurial, professionalised practices on the ground (Morrison 2000). It is at this scale that the broader tensions around the managerialism and co-option of the sector can play out amongst different stakeholders. James’s (2014) ethnographic work with young people in a deprived inner-city area in London for instance gives an indication of the sensitive relationships that unfold between young people, the state, and local volunteers working in voluntary sector youth clubs.
Individual self-care and lay care provided by others
Published in Anne Rogers, Heather Elliott, Primary Care: Understanding Health Need and Demand, 2018
Interest has recently been shown, from health care professionals, in the potential of self-care practices – particularly for conditions such as asthma and diabetes – which raises a number of interesting issues about how the interface between self- and professionally-provided care is configurated and managed. While some have welcomed this interest as a means of promoting efficient and autonomous health care, some commentators have pointed to the threat of professional co-option and medicalization of self-care practices. This assertion is supported to some extent by analysis of self-care material which reflects dominant medical values and norms. Nonetheless, probably the most relevant question to ask about self-care with regard to the contemporary primary care agenda is ‘What is the potential for combining the skills and practices of lay and professional primary care providers?’. At present, there is a dearth of research with which to begin to answer this question. However, one recently completed NPCRDC study which begins to explore this issue has shown that for the treatment of minor ailments, the public use the community pharmacy as an alternative to the GP, and that the advice-giving role of pharmacist staff, to an extent, reinforces and promotes self-care practices.82
Learning and Unlearning: Two Social Workers’ Autoethnographic Exploration into Mad Studies
Published in Journal of Progressive Human Services, 2022
Kathleen MacPhee, Lynsey Wilson Norrad
Costa et al. (2012), and Peters (2017) argue that the stories of psychiatrized folk have become commodities used to bolster hegemony around mental illness. The co-opting of social justice language and resistance approaches, that originated with the Mad and c/s/x movements, by healthcare and psychiatric treatment models has transformed concepts of recovery, resilience, and empowerment into depoliticized ideas that objectify this population (White & Pike, 2013). Narratives of Mad individuals have been co-opted by neoliberal organizations to further their own interests, often sanitizing Mad persons’ experiences that make their knowledge invisible and discount acts of resistance (Costa et al., 2012; LeBlanc & Kinsella, 2016). This creates the notion of a “normal” experience of mental illness and programs/marketing strategies like “Bell Let’s Talk” reinforces this; it appears that they only want stories that fit with their conception of mental illness and mental health. On the surface it looks like these technologies of co-option are “welcoming” or “embracing” Mad persons’ knowledge but we suggest they are manipulating narratives to promote their own program or organization.
From “Patient” to “Activist”: Treatment Experiences, Changing Perceptions, and Resistance of Mental Health Survivors
Published in Journal of Progressive Human Services, 2022
With regard to practitioners’ response to clients views on alternatives for recovery, we would like to raise two points: the first warns about the danger of reducing the issue of autonomy to that of “patient Involvement.” Sapouna and O’Donnell (2019)stress the danger of the co-option of consumer’s involvement. Building on their own activism as well as recent literature they conclude that:” It is particularly striking how comfortably the language of ‘user involvement’ has been adopted in traditional mental health systems while these systems remain, equally comfortably, under medical hegemony “(p. 530–531). While “Consumers Involvement” usually refers to the consumer being “invited” to raise his concern in a top down discussion (Matthias et al., 2012), our findings display a much more autonomous thinking and actions that are far wider than mental health services, with the person’s constantly developing knowledge- of -self guiding a growing share of his or her decisions.
Ethicists’ Deception: Theory, Role, Concepts, and Applications
Published in The American Journal of Bioethics, 2021
Yikes. This conclusion is so far from my view as to suggest something went terribly wrong in my argument construction. So let me be clear here: The clinical world—indeed, the world as a whole—is an extraordinarily complex ethical place, with competing needs, confused information, power asymmetries, fears, hopes, histories, ideologies, and so much more. Ethics consulting is about negotiating within this glorious and horrible mix and doing what one can to help others work their way through life’s difficult quandaries. Yes, by calling upon philosophically-grounded theory and principle, but not only so. Moral reasoning also demands making sense, to the extent possible, of persons’ situatedness and how that colors their (and our) understanding of the problem, so as to strive to achieve mutually desired, and desirable, solutions. But that “desirable” qualifier is not a throwaway: Sometimes persons’ situations prevent them from being able to make decisions that are consistent with acceptable outcomes, and one of the roles of the clinical ethicist is to point this out and to suggest better alternatives—even realizing the many problems of expertise, power, and co-option attached to that claim.