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Working with Hmong American Families
Published in Gwen Yeo, Linda A. Gerdner, Dolores Gallagher-Thompson, Ethnicity and the Dementias, 2018
An understanding of the clan/family structure has important implications for the care of Hmong American elders with dementia. In the US, the Hmong community is organized into an 18-clan structure. The family unit is part of a larger clan structure that provides the basic social organization and structural unity for the Hmong community. Membership into a clan is initially achieved by birth. Hmong practice exogamy, requiring persons to marry outside of their own clan. Upon marriage, a woman leaves her clan and joins the clan of her husband. It should also be noted that, in Laos, Hmong men were allowed to have multiple wives. This practice arose as a means of social welfare for unattached women. Although not legal in the US, such marital commitments originally established in Laos may continue to be covertly honored in the US.
The dental prosthesis
Published in Marshall Joseph Becker, Jean MacIntosh Turfa, The Etruscans and the History of Dentistry, 2017
Marshall Joseph Becker, Jean MacIntosh Turfa
Examples of Etruscan exogamy and immigration are already known (on “social exchange” by exogamy, see Bartoloni 2006). For instance, during the eighth century bce (era of the legendary Romulus and Remus), the Iron Age population of the future city of Gabii, in Latium, welcomed a foreign—Etruscan—prince to be their leader. He was buried in Osteria dell’Osa Tomb 600 with full military and civic honors, symbolized by his Villanovan distinctive arms, armor and lavish banquet equipment (De Santis 1995). Associations with a different emerging culture imply Sardinian-Etruscan exogamy. During the ninth–seventh centuries bce, nearby Sardinia was in constant contact with Etruria, and probably shared artisans and religious cults with the mainland. (Lo Schiavo 2002; Camporeale 2001: 37; 2013; Delpino 2002). It appears from finds, in Etruscan women’s tombs, of tiny metal charms in the form of goldsmiths’ tools and other ornaments, that metal craftsmen from Phoenician-controlled Sardinia married into the Etruscan families of Populonia (Babbi 2002; Bartoloni 1991: 109–113; Bartoloni et al. 2000: 526).
Narrative Beginnings
Published in D. Jean Clandinin, Engaging in Narrative Inquiry, 2023
The scrapbook lays heavy in my lap. It is a tangible reminder to me of the different times in my life where my stories to live by1 (Clandinin et al. 2006), those complex narratives dealing with identity struck discordant tones in how I view(ed) myself. Huber et al. (2011) carefully convey “stories to live by attend to the historical, the temporal, the contextual, and the relational. Stories to live by interconnect teachers’ personal practical knowledge2 with their professional knowledge contexts” (p. 347). In childhood as a student and then later in adulthood as a teacher, my understandings of my lived multiplicities had bumped up and/or came in tension with other people’s understandings of what it means to be a South Asian female living in Canada. This tension, I had lived (and continue to live) in my relationships with other South Asian females and consequently, was (is) not something novel. Some researchers note the gender specific roles Indian daughters are expected to uphold are in part because they are perceived as the keepers of Indian ethnic and cultural identity (Dasgupta, 1998a, 1998b, 2007; Guzder & Krishna, 1991; Handa, 2003; Javaid et al., 2012; Raghuram, 2003). Dasgupta (1988a) contends, “Fears of cultural obliteration by ‘Americanization’ and exogamy have played a large role in imposing such constructions on the female gender role” (p. 957). Substitute the term, “Americanization” with the broader notion of “Westernization” and there is even more research that provides weight to this contention (see: Ali, 2004; Ghuman, 2000; Handa, 2003; Mani, 2012; Pandurang, 2003; Rajiva, 2006). Handa (2003) observed, “Indian women became synonymous with the characteristics of innocence, spirituality, and purity and were also positioned as the moral guardians and keepers of a particular brand of Indian culture” (p. 38). Other researchers have remarked on the preferential treatment given by parents to their sons (Ghosh & Guzder, 2011; Gill & Mitra-Kahn, 2009; Mitra, 2014). However, the complexity of this issue cannot be impressed as a recipe of accepted cultural norms for “the” South Asian.
Elevated oxidative DNA damage in patients with coronary artery disease and its association with oxidative stress biomarkers
Published in Acta Cardiologica, 2019
The Jat Sikhs mostly live in Punjab and are descendants of Indo-Aryans and Indio-Scythian tribes [22] comprising numerous clans. The population sub-group practices endogamy at caste- and exogamy at sub-caste levels [23]. As agrarians, their staple diet has always included high fat content and consumption of milk and dairy products; the urbanites have juxtaposed their dietary pattern with the western life-style of snacking on junk-food [24]. The participants of the present study comprised Jat Sikhs in view of prevalence of the traditional CAD risk factors viz. rich-food preferences, change in life-style to a lavish one lacking physical activity with a tendency for obesity [24] and also because biological information on this sub-group is scanty [23].
Paleogenomics of the prehistory of Europe: human migrations, domestication and disease
Published in Annals of Human Biology, 2021
Javier G. Serrano, Alejandra C. Ordóñez, Rosa Fregel
Using genomes from central Europe, it has been proposed that Early Bronze Age societies exhibited elaborate social rituals. During this time, certain human groups presented female exogamy and inherited social status, while others displayed complex stratified societies suggesting different forms of social inequality (Mittnik et al. 2019).