Compassion in primary and community healthcare
Andrew Papanikitas, John Spicer in Handbook of Primary Care Ethics, 2017
In practice, the character of encounters between primary care workers and patients cannot be generalised beyond a certain level because compassion is for this person at this time and because forms of primary care vary. Nonetheless thinking about compassion can be disciplined by understanding its nature as irreducibly concerned with personal subjects seeking shared experience and understanding. In many present-day societies, a complication arises. Although in traditional societies, a relative homogeneity of culture was common, in modern nation-states, this has been widely, though not universally, replaced with overlapping, intersecting networks of diverse, heterogeneous cultures. These multiple cultures nonetheless share a common political identity and, in many European contexts at least, a socialised healthcare system, albeit to varying degrees. Health, being ‘a basic socio-personal good’,9 valued variously by all cultures, therefore provides a point of reference in political life, in which the beliefs and practices of plural societies can meet in disciplined conversation.
She breaks paradigms and leaves a trail
Hanna Laako, Georgina Sánchez-Ramírez in Midwives in Mexico, 2021
Thus, the approach taken by the theory of new social movements enabled researchers to maintain a critical distance from the idea that material conflicts are the only axis of analysis: the new approach transferred the focus from the material and emphasized identity and human rights instead. However, the question of political identity was frequently reduced to analyzing the “immaturity” of the activists. In other words, the theory of new movements was downplayed as being focused excessively upon the middle class. Stammers (2008) argues that the established dichotomy between identity and economic interest was exaggerated in this debate, considering that most social movements share many strategic and expressive forms of collective action. Even so, the emergence of new social movements made possible a rethinking of social movement theories, among other things, by introducing new axes of analysis beyond social class—such as ethnicity, gender, caste—within the academic debates.
The public in public health
Sridhar Venkatapuram, Alex Broadbent in The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Public Health, 2023
More positively, the idea of shared political identity and common purposes promotes shared concerns for health: health is not—conceptually or practically—properly considered (without analysis) as just a matter for the individual. One person’s health, or health-affecting activity, may well be the concern of another, and of the institutions of the society in which they live. The basis of such a position, and its practical extent, will necessarily rest on normative ideas about the very structure of political community (Coggon 2012: Chapters 7 and 8). But this means that even if we reject a reified concept of the public, we can recognize the public as something that exists, and within which shared responsibilities for health may function: for example, generating responsibilities to restructure social institutions, given evidence about social and institutional causes of disease from epidemiological research.
Change and Continuity in Attitudes Toward Homosexuality Across the Lifespan
Published in Journal of Homosexuality, 2023
Three different versions of the aging-stability hypothesis exist in the literature, however. One version that enjoys strong empirical support across a wide range of different attitudes is based on the impressionable-years theory (e.g., Alwin et al., 1991; Alwin & Krosnick, 1991; Hatemi et al., 2009; Jennings & Stoker, 2004; Krosnick & Alwin, 1989; Stoker & Jennings, 2008). According to this theory, the transition from adolescence to mature adulthood (roughly from age 18 to 30) constitutes a formative period in life when the individual is especially susceptible to environmental cues (Sears, 1975, 1983, 1993; Sears & Levy, 2003). This period of malleability is thought to reflect the trial-and-error process of (re)forming a social and political identity that the individual typically undertakes as a young adult, a process during which political orientations acquired earlier are likely to be reevaluated and possibly replaced by new ones (Sears, 1983). However, the political orientations that ultimately become crystallized toward the end of this “re-socialization” process will, according to this theory, persist throughout the remainder of life and structure further attitude formation along the way (Sears & Levy, 2003). Thus, what can be referred to as the impressionable-years model predicts that attitude stability increases rapidly during early adulthood to then level off and remain high during middle and late adulthood (see A in Figure 1).
The Twenty Item Values Inventory (TwIVI) in Portuguese Adults: Factorial Structure, Internal Consistency, and Criterion-Related Validity
Published in Journal of Personality Assessment, 2023
Pedro J. C. Costa, Paulo A. S. Moreira, Sara Faria, Joana Correia Lopes
As we moved from the political left to the right, the only value that tended to significantly increase was tradition, r = .18 (p < .001), while both benevolence, r = −.10 (p = .036), and universalism, r = −.25 (p < .001), tended to significantly decrease. In addition, the linear regression model showed that 11.0% of the variance in political identity was explained by the basic values. The Pearson correlation coefficients between political identity and basic values as well as the variance explained can be seen in Table 4.
The Dark Side of Morality – Neural Mechanisms Underpinning Moral Convictions and Support for Violence
Published in AJOB Neuroscience, 2020
Clifford I. Workman, Keith J. Yoder, Jean Decety
Stronger beliefs about the appropriateness of congruent relative to incongruent sociopolitical violence showed a positive parametric relationship with the strength of neural response to photographs ostensibly depicting these acts of violence in the reward circuit (i.e., a cluster extending from VS into vmPFC). When in-scanner appropriateness ratings were not modeled, contrasting the congruency conditions failed to localize any significant activations to VS or vmPFC. This provides further evidence for the notion that beliefs about sociopolitical violence are specific to particular social and economic issues rather than monolithic political identity. The VS and vmPFC appear to modulate the online expression of pro-violence attitudes, which is in keeping with previous work linking these regions to political radicalism (Cristofori et al. 2015; Zamboni et al. 2009) and in tracking the magnitude of third-party punishment (Buckholtz et al. 2008). The willingness to fight and die on behalf of one’s sociopolitical in-group was found to be associated with activation of the vmPFC and its functional connectivity to the dlPFC in Pakistani participants who support the Kashmiri cause (Pretus et al. 2019). The VS and vmPFC are connected via corticostriatal circuits, with projections from vmPFC providing input to VS (Berendse, Galis-de Graaf, and Groenewegen 1992). Although both VS and vmPFC are sensitive to subjective value, the vmPFC is additionally implicated in integrating expected values and outcomes and regulating the deployment of effort in the pursuit of those outcomes (Gourley et al. 2016). This functional distinction provides insight into the finding that patterns of activation in a vmPFC cluster, which overlapped with the cluster that varied parametrically with appropriateness ratings, reliably distinguished the congruent from incongruent conditions whereas VS did not (Figures 2 and 3). These patterns of activation in the vmPFC may represent the expected value of outcomes from congruent compared to incongruent violence, also reflected in the in-scanner appropriateness ratings.
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